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and whittaker chambers was honored by his fellow citizens. since his conviction, verified anti-communism as an potent -- they gave bill buckley another fusion is conservative to cause by which the conservatives and libertarians against a common enemy, liberalism. the historian george nash and others have argued persuasively that without any communism there would have been no unified conservative movement beginning in the 1950s. and without a conservative movement, there would have been no presidential candidate, barry goldwater, in 1964, and no president-elect reagan in 1980. "witness" is an essential work of the conservative canon. it may have enlisted more un-american anti-communist than any other book of the cold war. that included reagan, who could quote from memory the first pages of the forward for many years afterwards. russia, longtime publisher of "national review," libertarian columnist and author john chamberlain, and the prince of darkness, conservative columnist commentator, robert novak. whittaker chambers was one of the great men of our time, wrote a conservative
out, guys have been saying those don't exist. the publication of whittaker chambers's "witness". it is a little over an hour. >> thank you. thank you, buckley program at yale. thank you for being here today. last semester i had the privilege to teach a course on the intellect quote legacy of william f. buckley jr.. i dedicated a couple weeks to build buckley's and i communism with a principal and philosophical position. he once told me late in his life that his most important book may have been odyssey of a friend, the book in which buckley and characteristically barely says or write anything in which he creates a literary and philosophical interview with whittaker chambers. in odyssey we see chambers again bear his soul. to young admirer, friend and colleague. i was struck, most of all by the deep emotional intensity and raw humanity that flows, of so many of these pages. amen is trying to account to himself and two world how he made his choices, where he fell and where he blundered, but also there is no going back, doing the right thing can still mean anything, not just for h
them alger with the idea that he is like alger hiss, communist spy at the time. there is also whittaker chambers and the great american theologian who helped to kind of advise nixon about in some ways his political philosophy so a a lot of behind-the-scenes guys are giving advice to richard nixon to go straight to the media to engage in what we would call telepopulism and there's also this surprise cameo of charlie chaplin who is operated out of the country in 1952 as a part of the larger red scare. nixon wanted him out of the country and was taking his cues from a wild gossip column at the time named had a hopper who was a friend of nixon who enters a little bit in there is also another central character. the foil to richard nixon and dwight eisenhower and that is adlai stevenson himself. he's important in the story to guess he is a proponent. stephenson becomes throughout the course of this it very fade egghead, and intellectual entering politics. he has a very noble vision of politics. i think anybody here will be kind of surprised by them. in his acceptance speech in 1952 convention
whittaker chambers in which literary critics find the alger hiss character, but he never heard of alger hiss. strange kind of pre-figuration there. and then the images driving all night to hide documents and a pumpkin on his farm. the old woodstock typewriter and the typeface that told the story. the warbler that richard nixon used to trap hiss in his cross-examination. and these things, they live in kind of a mythological memory. it was in "the new york times" about three weeks ago or so, a little box, a warbler had appeared in new york city, in manhattan. the time to photograph it and made a reference to the work of, we're going to talk about today. and then i think a classic, enhanced by the seemingly never ending decades of controversy in which the defenders of alger hiss tried to make their slanders of the author of "witness" stick. today, i want to introduce the three panelists, and this is an amazingly powerful group we have here. all at once, and then leave it to them, they will take it over. each i hope making the remarks about 10 minutes, and then we will put it to the floor for fu
of whittaker chambers' "witness" a panel entitled >> someone was talking about the adulation which the world held alger hiss, and i don't know if everyone here is aware of that and auguste educational institution not far from here there is actually an alger hiss share in the humanities. my colleague in the new criterion has been on every degree the chair of the humanities prompted to get it back to the president's team. i'm delighted to welcome you to the final panel commemorating the 60th anniversary of whittaker chambers so' "witness" and i think we have seen the most contentious question for last. what defines conservatives today. i think in the context of "witness," and the work of bill buckley, today means after the cold war. we've said a little bit about that already this afternoon. but i like to say a little more specifically about it now. so, after the cold war, that means after impossible confrontation of communism and said the to and stan she added in by the evil empire of the soviet union and the west, in his letter to his children which has been mentioned already come chambers sa
of whittaker's time give us a bright line between treason and loyalty to one's country, and between materialism and ideal i. or faith. if part of the discussion is what enduring lessons we can get from this, one looks now for the bright line can be drawn today. we seem to have a dimmer line between the vicar forms of -- various forms of political radicalism that president obama and the argument failed in the last election that those things remit a legacy that the american should reject. norman has has given some dwhrad american greatness can been -- [inaudible] some support principles of the american constitutional order, and you called for a principle of mode ration -- moderation. do any of those add up to another great line the kind that whittaker chambers was able to draw for us and see american conservativism? >> well, i think you pose a very, very difficult problem. the bright line that chambers drew did not hold all that firmly even then. there were violent arguments about what substituted patriotism, local -- loyalty, nobody argued that espionage was a good thing, but the accusation was
. >> receipt me bring it back to whittaker claimers. the fact it looks like losing battle doesn't mean you don't do it. when chambers confronted communism. he was confronting the entire american establishment. everything was against him. i'm sure it looked like -- it looked very clearly that it was something he couldn't imagine he was going diseed. but he did it anyway. he the courage to do what he did, and each of the those steps, i mean, testifying was an enormously courageous thing to do, when his challenge to make the accusation that he was spy outside of the congressional privilege. he went on to see the -- yeah. an enormous courage and ultimately he prevailed. >> yes. good bid i -- he was a great man and witnesses as a great book. but i do think that he never dropped the other shoe, and this this weekend his own fight against communism. and rereading "witness" i've been struck by how much the resistance sighing america as -- seeing america as good. you can say relatively good. he said that communism was absolute evil. i believe that. and i would not say that america represents absolute g
, is whittaker chambers, who publishes a book and they were allies when richard nixon was taking don algier hiss and nixon does a lot to promote chambers' book and it's interesting to note what chambers -- how chambers conceptualizes the cold war in "witness" that comes out in 1952. i will quote from the book. for chambers, the west had to discover, and i quote, in suffering and pain, a power of faith, which will provide man's mind at the same intensity with the same two certainties that communism provide, that is, a reason to live and a reason to die. if the west fails, this will be the century of the great social wars. if it succeeds, this will be the century of the great wars of faith. there's a real attempt to put the cold war on a religious basis, fervorred emotional basis and that's something nixon is very big on in his support of chambers and in his attack on stevenson and atchison, and most clearly articulated by joseph mccarthy. who is also a chief ally of rich nikschon, and who eisenhower feels very uncomfortable and awkward around and yet will go to wisconsin and campaign with mccarth
Search Results 0 to 7 of about 8